A growth in employment "disappointing", according to the words of the OECD, driven by the tax cuts (well, by money) according to the Bank of Italy, in which there is an exponential increase of the Voucher and a smaller of the apprenticeship.
The Jobs Act has not created jobs, has made it easier to take in a convenient way for the companies: that is, precarissima and blackmail. And it is for this reason that the same institutions that certify the failure to continue to renew the support: because it has made the workers more weak and divided, at the mercy of the despotism of the employers, one of the many forms of the authoritarianism to which our Government wants to give a further contribution to the constitutional reform. Ec explains it well Marco Elia, the author of this article was published on The City of the Future.
in Front of the contradictory information on the trend in employment come from different sources (Istat, Inps, Mdl, Oecd, etc.) it seems more and more difficult to form a clear opinion on the effects of the Jobs Act. And certainly do not help the systematic exploitation government in the interpretation of the data.
Despite the confusion on the issue, however, is not the case for despair, nor to surrender to a fatalism with resignation or, worse, the temptation to think that "something good will be as well happening".
once you’ve eliminated the distortions of the government and of the bass drum to the media in his entourage emerge from the data, in fact, some of the clear indications. We synthesize them as a whole, it is to emphasize again the modest effects on the dynamics of new employees and, on the other hand, the role played by the Jobs Act, after several years of crisis, the further deterioration in the quality of employment.
On the first point there is little to say. In effect, the government is left only to magnify the results of the reform. By the EU, the Oecd, and up to the ECB arrived in last weeks clear signals of a significant downsizing of the capacity of a stimulus to employment growth: the increase of employment in Italy, in the middle of the alleged "copernican revolution", was moderate and lower than that of the other EU countries, disappointing the expectations.
of Course, none of the bodies and institutions mentioned never fails to renew support for the Jobs Act. Indeed! But this is rather obvious: it is at least the beginning of the nineties that in their agenda of reform of the Italian labour market and the european the Eu, the ECB and the OECD are promoting many of the initiatives at the core of the reform of the government Renzi, first of all, the ultimate elimination of any protection against layoffs. As it is known, however, that the recipes in question in time have not given any evidence of their efficacy.
Moving on to the second point, it is appropriate to dwell on some of the data that highlight the aspects of responsibility of the Jobs Act with respect to the continuing loss of the quality of employment: from all the surveys –Istat, Inps and Ministero del lavoro – emerge as from the implementation of the reform, the segmentation of the labour market and with it the insecurity they are pronounced. Is grown, that is, the share of fixed-term workers; the work is precarizza more and more also due to the massive use of the accessory. In this sense, the explosion of the phenomenon is documented by the unstoppable growth in the use of the voucher; it is raised part-time, for its nature, low-skilled jobs, and one of the main causes of gender segregation in the labour market; youth unemployment remains at levels impressive and, as emerges from the latest Istat data relative to August, the new employment in the first eight months of 2016 continues to be concentrated almost entirely on the over 50.
A phenomenon recently recorded from the data of the Ministry of labour deserves special attention. According to data from the ministerial relative to the II quarter of 2016, compared to the same period of 2015, there has been a reduction of new activations of employment equal to 12%. The activations indefinitely – if we want to classify, so the contracts protections growing – from II quarter of 2015 decrease instead of 29% (30% compared to The first quarter of 2015, when he takes up the reform). The activations are reduced compared to 2014 (-5% compared to the second quarter).
The data of the Ministry provide additional insights. In the first place, in the second half increase significantly on an annual basis (+7,4%) redundancies among the causes of termination of employment relationships. While the terminations for the request of the employee (-25%). In addition, in parallel with the decline in the use of permanent contracts, there has been a significant growth in activations in apprenticeship training (+26%) which, in virtue of the incentives provided for, among other things, by the Guarantee program Young, enjoy substantial bonuses for recruitment. The link between the two phenomena is clear: it is a strategy of savings (wage and contribution) on the part of businesses, with a substitution effect of the contracts 'protection-growing' in a phase in which the reductions in recruitment have been significantly reduced.
The reference to the DD allows us to deepen some interesting aspects. As is known, DD is the most important (and expensive) example of active employment policy; in other words, an example of those policies that should aim to educate, update and make employable the worker is unemployed. It is equally known as the strong emphasis on active labour market policies, equal to that of the above-mentioned request for elimination of the protections from unjustified dismissals, both decades-long a workhorse of the policies of the Eu and the Oecd. The same emphasis has gone hand in hand with the demand, which unfortunately has found it too punctual in the european governments, the reduction of the "passive policies". In short, are more political active and less unemployment.
Needless to say – because the common experience of anyone who is found inserted in locations of "activation" – that the active policies, in particular in a phase of high unemployment like the present one, have not had any ability to improve the condition of the millions of unemployed italians. And this is easily understandable: when the number of vacancies represents a very small percentage compared to the number of the unemployed in the active labour market policies will be of little use. Or better, given these conditions, the qualification of the offer that an application for a job non-existent ends up being useful only to the training agencies that receive huge flows of finance to the public.
To see the results of DAYS, after more than two years since its implementation, this framework is confirmed in toto: contracts of work – often precarious, and to ensure that companies who claim to enjoy a bonus of employment opportunities – to reach just 5% of those enrolled in the program, while a share much higher than the “measures” provided to the participants is realized in the internship, extra-curricular and other forms of low-paid work – of course, precarious – and subsidised with public funds.
summing up, it is not difficult to see what are the main implications of the Jobs Act: a labour market in which you generalize the ricattabilità and with it the discipline and control on the job. Where they narrow to the workers on the margins of the organisation and mobilisation and to increase, on the contrary, the margins for the despotism of the companies. In short, a framework characterized by a clear desire to impose wage cuts, increases in loads and the intensity of the work.
On the other hand, it is clear how this authoritarianism to find an expression more properly political (in the sense of state) in the constitutional reform on which the referendum held on 4 December next we will express ourselves. A reform that has the support of the Eu, the Oecd, the ECB, etc. etc. In short, a reform that "all we ask".
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